The recent pan-India raids and arrests of Left activists, including poet Varavara Rao, have thrown up a new term – urban Naxalite. The term is being applied to public intellectuals, writers, Left-leaning activists and others who could have remotely adopted a favourable stance to armed, ultra-Left rebellion.
Notably, in an assertion of its stance that urban Naxalism is a fact, the Centre told the Supreme Court on September 5 that the five arrested activists (Varavara Rao, Vernon Gonsalves, Arun Ferreira, Sudha Bharadwaj, and Gautam Navlakha) had 'cogent' links to the Naxals. Going a step further, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) Director-General Rajiv Rai Bhatnagar said after the arrests that this was the first concerted operation against urban supporters of Left extremism. But the country's apex court has a different opinion. Hearing the Left activists' plea, the Supreme Court observed: “Dissent is the safety valve of democracy. If you muzzle democracy, the pressure cooker will burst.”
If you go by the Centre's definition of 'urban Naxals', Kerala should have been a haven for them but our investigation revealed a different picture of the Maoist movement in the state. As the state pursues this 'new urban enemy,' Onmanaorama visits the outbacks and forest fringes of Kerala, where Maoist presence has been reported.
Kerala context
In its hunt for 'urban Naxals' the centre seems to have missed the state of Kerala which has a history of Maoist presence and action. The Maoist upsurge in Kerala in the late 60s and 70s; the Pulpally and Thalasserry police station raids and the killing of two policemen; and the presence of Naxals like Vellathooval Stephen, Philip M Prasad, and Kunnikkal Narayanan are etched in the history of the politically volatile state.
However, no activists or organisations in the southern state have come under the cops' radar this time.
Nevertheless, the situation provided Onmanorma an intriguing context to trace the Maoist routes in Kerala – a story as labyrinthine as the deep woods where the guerrillas train their guns and as invisible as the urban hideouts.
Any attempt to record the moves and action of the ultra Left movement in Kerala leads an outsider only to bits and pieces of information from sources who are in the know of the mysterious matters, and of course, the cops. The resultant picture is a sketchy and abstract one which reflects diverse views, predominantly the dreams of the revolutionaries and the determination of the state forces to suppress them at any cost.
Only 40?
It is not known how many Naxals are active in the forests of Kerala but the police peg the number at a maximum of 40. A top police officer told Onmanorama that there could be only 3-4 members in one squad. “Moving in large numbers would be risky for them,” he said.
A source on condition of anonymity said there could be 6-8 members in a squad. According to the police, the guerrillas operating in Kerala are from various states and only 3-4 Keralites are among them. One of them is Wayanad native Soman, who was reportedly among the group which allegedly held some migrant labourers hostage at Meppadi in Wayanad recently. The police also said they were yet to identify one of the women members of the guerrilla squad.
Maoist movement
Intelligence sources told Onmanorama that the movement of Maoists had been tracked in Kannur, Wayanad, Kozhikode city, Malappuram and Palakkad areas. Maoists were spotted a number of times in the recent past in forest areas of the districts. On most occasions, they collected rice and other provisions from tribal as well as non-tribal families living on forest fringes.
“The Maoists survive inside the forests on limited resources. They use the provisions collected from houses in the forest areas for days,” intelligence sources said. Sources who know about the movement also said the squads survive entirely on resources, including money, collected from the people.
Finding Maoists in Kerala?
Yes. There are Maoists in Kerala. Recording the history of the Naxalite/Maoist movement in Kerala is a humongous task – given the number of splits the movement has had over the decades on ideological differences. However, the movement had a watershed moment on September 21, 2004 when the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) merged with the Maoist Community Centre of India at the national level. The result – CPI (Maoist) – country's biggest Leftist party which believes that only armed revolution can iron out the inequalities in the country.
The merger at the national level reflected in Kerala by 2005 when the Kerala units of the two parties also became one. Following this, a State Organisation Committee (SOC) was formed in Kerala as the leadership panel of the CPI (Maoist) in Kerala. The committee soon presented a draft plan to begin armed struggle in Kerala, according to a circular issued by the SOC.
That armed guerrillas operate in the forests of Kerala was confirmed by the CPI (Maoist) in 2013, the year the party formed a Western Ghats special zone. On February 18 that year, the committee issued a statement to the media making its ideological lines clear. “Our aim is to build a new democratic India by demolishing the existing semi-feudal and semi-colonial social structure by armed revolution,” the statement said.
Break in action, setback
After actions like attack on some loan sharks, and the urban actions celebrating the 10th anniversary of the party, the CPI (Maoist) on January 29, 2015 issued a press statement saying they were taking a break in action – only to come back, more powerful. However, the party suffered two major setbacks after that. In May 2015, five party activists, including Keralites Rupesh, his wife Shyna and Pathanamthitta native Anoop Mathew, were arrested. On November 24, 2016, two guerrillas – Kuppu Devaraj, CPI (Maoist) central committee member, and Ajita were shot dead inside the forests in Nilambur, north Kerala.
The arrests and the alleged encounter, which the police say was in retaliation to a firing by the ultras, have left the Maoist movement in a severe crisis, say observers who have been following the movement for quite sometime. However, sources who are empathetic to the movement claim the party is in a stage of recuperation and was able to overcome the recent setbacks.
Modus operandi
The police say Maoists adopt a three-phased operation to gain foothold in a place. First, they conduct a survey among the people, mostly Adivasis. During the survey, they try to find out the issues in an area and plan the kind of operation suitable there. In the next stage, they conduct study classes among the people about the problems of the existing model of electoral democracy. They tell people of the need to take up arms against the 'bourgeois classes.' The third and the final stage is the struggle, or armed revolution. The police theory is corroborated by the accounts of people whom the militants chose to interact.
'Maoists at home'
Mandapathil Robin, a native of Jeerakappara, near Kodencherry on the Kozhikode-Wayanad border, who is yet to recover from the shock of Maoists' visit to his house twice in May and June this year, said the armed militants inquired about his debts. They also sought to know of the loan sharks in the area. They also tried to lecture the family about the 'corrupt political class.' The act sounds like the 'survey' the police talk about. Robin and his family had to shift to a rented house after the Maoists visited their house again. The second time, their dog even bit one of the visitors, leading to an ugly and noisy scene.
“We were terrified after that. Even the police advised us to move to a safer place,” Robin told Onmanorama. On both occasions, the family had informed the local police who in turn did some routine checks.
Sources said the Maoists conducted a comprehensive study about the Western Ghats and the people who lived there. According to them, there are some 5-6 lakh poor people in the forests and hilly areas. “There are still workers who get less than Rs 300 a day. Even if the party can organise 10 per cent of them, they can pose a huge challenge to the ruling class,” a source said.
Favourable factors
Source said there were several social, economic and political factors that favoured the Maoists in Kerala. The sources said squads were functioning after collective discussions and they were able to reorganise themselves even after the Nilambur action in which two 'comrades' were killed. The source said the Maoists might not have expected the Nilambur attack. The government cannot claim that it was able to send a body blow to the party, the source said.
Urban action
The general notion about the revolutionary group is that it works among the tribals alone. However, sources with the group and the police contradict the view and say that the party has been trying to spread its roots in the urban terrain as well. The party carried out nearly 10 actions in town areas, including the attack on a KFC outlet in Palakkad, in 2014 as part of the 10th anniversary.
Sources with the movement say the party has a well-connected network in urban areas while the police said the party uses issue-based protests in urban areas as a recruiting hub. “Sreekanth and Arun, the youths who were arrested for the KFC attack, reached the Maoist movement through the protests seeking justice for Endosulfan victims of Kasaragod.
Going underground
Intelligence sources said almost all cadres who once worked actively in urban spaces have later gone underground. People like Rupesh, Shyna and Sinoj (who died in a blast inside the forest, according to the party) were all active in urban spaces before they went inside the forests,” sources said.
Several human rights organisations and activists are accused of being sympathisers or frontal organisations of Maoist movement in Kerala. While 'Porattam,' led by former Naxalite KN Ravunni, has openly offered support to the CPI (Maoist), Janakeeya Manushyavakasa Prasthanam, which was at the forefront seeking bail for Rupesh and Shyna, denied being a frontal organisation of the CPI (Maoist). CP Rasheed of Janakeeya Manushyavakasa Prasthanam told Onmanorama that they were being branded Maoist because they speak for the rights of the political prisoners and seek justice for them.
Police action
When it comes to counter action, the police seem to be on the right side. The arrest of the top leaders and the Nilambur action are all proof.
“They call us the enemies. The word enemy is their code for the cops,” a police officer told Onmanorama. The police conduct weekly patrolling in areas where Maoists are likely to be spotted. The Thunderbolts team, specially designated for anti-Naxal operations, is also heavily armed with most modern weapons.
Apart from armed operations, the police claim they are taking up humanitarian work in tribal areas where the Maoists tried to wield their influence. In a bid to channelise the energy of the tribal youth, the police distributed sports kits in 55 hamlets of Attappadi. They also arranged drinking water in 12 hamlets.
Strategic tri-junction
The People's Liberation Guerrilla Army of the CPI (Maoist) treats the forest areas in the northern Kerala, especially Wayanad, as a tri-junction. The area helps them move safely among three states – Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. They function in four Dalams (squads) namely Kabani (Wayanad, Kozhikode, Malappuram), Bhavani (Attappadi, Palakkad, Coimabatore), Nadukani (Nilambur, Gudallur) and Varahini (Wayanad national park, Bandipur, Muthumala).
Sources said the tri-junction operations were planned after the movement suffered huge setbacks in Karnataka following police operations.
Rosy future or end of the road?
Former Naxalite and veteran human rights activist Grow Vasu said he viewed the present generation of Maoists only as a group of amateur revolutionaries. However, he exuded hopes of a revolution in the country, in the future, if not now.
“We don't treat Maoists as criminals. They live in an Utopian world. We don't indulge in any action which is against the law of the land to eliminate them,” a police officer said.
RK Bijuraj, who wrote 'Naxal Dinangal,' a comprehensive history of the Naxalite/Maoist movement in Kerala, predicted more police action in the coming days. He said in the present circumstances, the movement would find it difficult to survive.
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